The Plight of Black Educators: Where Does the System Go Wrong?

In West Texas, teenager James Whitfield once felt "invisible"—thin, wearing oversized old clothes, and walking through hallways with his head down. He recalled, "I didn't see anyone who looked like me actively changing other people's lives." It wasn't until a handshake from Kevin Carmona, a Black football coach, that he felt "seen." From that moment on, he stood taller—just before he was about to enter high school.

I. The Mirror Effect: When Students "See" Themselves

The positive impact of educators of color—especially Black educators—on the academic and life outcomes of Black students is well-documented. An analysis of a decade of data from New York City public schools by Brown University's Annenberg Institute shows that when teacher and student race match, Black students are significantly less likely to be suspended or expelled. A working paper from the National Bureau of Economic Research notes that having just one Black teacher in elementary school increases the likelihood of a Black student attending college by 13%; with two, that likelihood rises to 32%. Multiple studies also show that Black teachers improve Black students' math and reading scores.

The role of Black principals is equally critical. A working paper from the Annenberg Institute found that Black principals increase the likelihood of newly hired teachers being Black and reduce the turnover rate of Black teachers. Jason Grissom, a researcher at Vanderbilt University, said, "Black principals lead differently, creating different environments for Black teachers, which in turn affects their work experience and strengthens their sense of belonging to the school—that's the root of the turnover disparity." Grissom and co-author Brendan Bartanen also found that schools with Black principals have more Black students in gifted and talented programs. Qualitative research from the University of Massachusetts Amherst since the 1980s also indicates that Black superintendents can significantly boost the academic achievement of students of color.

Grissom said, "Many times, leaders of color have different expectations for students of color and don't automatically assume they have limited abilities." Yet more than thirty years later, Whitfield's experience still mirrors that of countless Black students—in classrooms, schools, and district leadership, they often don't see their own reflection. Despite an increasingly diverse student body, the composition of educators has not kept pace.

Stalled Representation

Data from the National Center for Education Statistics at the U.S. Department of Education from 1999 to 2018 shows that the percentage of Black teachers actually decreased by 1 percentage point, from 8% to 7%. Leadership is similarly concerning: periodic surveys by AASA, The School Superintendents Association, show that in 2020, only 8.6% of respondents were superintendents of color, compared to 6% in 2010 and 5% in 2000. Progress in the principal role has been minimal: in the 2007-08 school year, 81% of principals were non-Hispanic White and 11% were non-Hispanic Black; by 2017-18, the White percentage had dropped to 78%, while Black principals remained stable at 11%.

Meanwhile, pre-pandemic projections for 2026 showed a diversifying student body with rising graduation rates for students of color. But the disruptions caused by the pandemic may derail this trajectory, especially for students of color and those from low-income families, making the potential loss of educators of color among teachers, principals, and superintendents particularly concerning.

"We Live in These Communities"

In "Project Success," a college preparatory program led by former Los Angeles Unified School District Superintendent David Brewer III, a student complained of a severe headache and wanted to drop out. Brewer's team took her to the doctor, and the dentist said, "If she hadn't been brought in within three months, she would have had a serious infection." After the problem was resolved, the student returned to school and graduated successfully. Brewer said, "This wasn't an academic issue; it was a socio-economic issue."

Black leaders are often pushed into disciplinary roles by White colleagues and superiors, but their experiences often make them effective counselors, curriculum specialists, and administrators. "Because we live in these communities," Brewer said, "we attend the same churches as the students and families we serve who receive federal funding, and we understand these dynamics." The retired Navy vice admiral entered LAUSD in the early 2000s as an "outsider," described by the Los Angeles Times as "a fresh thinker unconstrained by bureaucracy, willing to take bold and even unconventional actions." He was one of three Black superintendents in the district's modern history.

A report early in Brewer's tenure showed he inherited a fractured district. A 2006 RAND Corporation technical report described slow progress in academics and graduation rates, community disenfranchisement and poverty, and periodic campus violence. Brewer's multi-faceted plan included: addressing dropout rates with wraparound services, partnering with the local YMCA for after-school programs to curb gang recruitment, leveraging Obama-era policies to pass billions in bonds for school repairs, expanding preschool in low-income communities to close graduation gaps, and strengthening career and technical education inspired by Booker T. Washington's vocational education philosophy.

District budget and expenditure reports show that during his tenure from 2006 to 2008, spending on after-school and child development programs increased significantly. After-school program funding rose from $23.3 million in 2002-03 to $43.3 million in 2005-06, then jumped to $89.8 million in 2006-07 and $141.6 million in 2007-08. Child development fund expenditures also gradually increased from $97.2 million in 2002 to $109.5 million in 2006, then to $126.3 million in 2007-08.

At the time, critics, including some district board members, felt Brewer's changes didn't live up to the "revolutionary" label. The LA Weekly reported: "Brewer's cheerleader persona combined with a lack of action bred disgruntled employees—who called him 'Admiral' to his face as a nod to tradition, but mocked him behind his back." But in hindsight, the results were different. According to local reports released a year after he was forced out, the dropout rate fell by 17% during Brewer's tenure, considered one of the largest improvements in California, and test scores were on an upward trend—but these improvements were only made public after he left.

K-12 Dive's analysis of the California Department of Education's Academic Performance Index (API) also shows a positive impact on students of color and low-income students. During Brewer's tenure, schools with large populations of low-income and Hispanic students saw significant average score increases, and schools with large African American populations also saw average scores rise. From 2005 to 2008, the proportion of African American students in the lowest score bands dropped significantly, while the proportion in the highest bands rose sharply. More than a decade later, Brewer believes the programs he implemented also brought an employment boom—bonds used for school renovations, graduating class sizes at record highs for the period, and declining crime rates in gang-affected neighborhoods. "So, if you unleash us—let us do what we know how to do—we can educate kids," Brewer said of Black educators.

"Just Like I Was as a Kid"

It is often Black principals and superintendents who undertake the arduous work of dismantling racist barriers. Their current key initiatives include: auditing and reforming district policies, changing long-standing disciplinary practices rooted in implicit bias, diversifying and retaining teachers, increasing access to Advanced Placement courses for minority students, and restructuring curricula to reflect Black history and experiences.

Baron Davis, superintendent of Richland School District Two in South Carolina, had his "exodus moment" shortly after becoming a school administrator—the school was expelling and suspending students of color at disproportionately high rates. He realized: "The root of 'discipline' is 'disciple'—it should be about teaching, mentoring, and nurturing." Removing students from the educational experience was the opposite. Davis briefly abandoned a positive culture for punitive discipline, thinking, "I need to be tough, I need to build a shell." It wasn't until 2015, when he participated in a district discipline policy review task force, that he realized: "The students I was suspending looked and acted just like I did as a kid." Davis recalled, "My school community took care of me and met my needs." Today, he is the first Black superintendent of Richland County School District Two.

II. Set Up to Fail?

When David Brewer III was tapped to lead the second-largest school district in the U.S., it was somewhat unexpected—he was a Navy vice admiral, hadn't followed the traditional superintendent path, and hadn't even applied for the job. After a nationwide search for superintendent candidates and three rounds of interviews, the Los Angeles Board of Education unanimously voted to appoint him. His unconventional background was part of the appeal: a fresh-eyed outsider expected to shake up a stagnant education system. But two Black mentors warned him: "You'll make progress—because you're smart and good. Once you make enough progress, they'll get rid of you."

Two years into his tenure, Brewer's turnaround strategy seemed to be working: test scores rose, the dropout rate fell by 17%, and a mayor-backed $7 billion bond brought a construction boom. But he was ousted before his contract ended.

Political Maneuvering

Los Angeles in 2006 was a political battleground. Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa pushed to take over the school district, and Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger signed AB 1381 on September 18 of that year, giving the mayor partial control over district budgets, principal appointments, and the assignment of a local superintendent. Courts later ruled the law unconstitutional. It was amid this power struggle that Brewer entered the district. "I found that the bane of public education is politics," he reflected years later. "When you're a Black superintendent, politics are worse—that's exactly what happened to me." Additionally, he inherited a broken payroll system and spent six months of his two-year tenure trying to fix it, with critics saying he couldn't handle multiple fronts simultaneously.

After a new round of board elections, Villaraigosa's allies won seats. Monica Garcia, who was elected board president, organized the ouster while the only Black board member, Marguerite Poindexter LaMotte, was away. LaMotte said at the time: "Attempting to reverse course the moment I'm in place is a hypocritical and unconscionable cover-up aimed at excluding me from this strategic, externally driven plan." Brewer recalled Garcia calling him and saying, "We're going in a different direction... We're willing to pay you more to leave." He refused the enhanced severance: "I knew what the headlines would say—by then I was politically savvy enough to know that wasn't a good move." Black City Councilman Bernard Parks described his conversation with Garcia to the Los Angeles Times as "bizarre." Garcia declined K-12 Dive's interview request.

A 2021 AASA survey shows that Black superintendents are the least likely to have specific processes, metrics, and indicators for formal performance evaluations in their contracts. The study sample included 1,348 White superintendents and only 77 Black superintendents.

Under the Microscope

In Texas, James Whitfield was climbing the principal ladder—after two promotions in two years, he became the first Black principal of Colleyville Heritage High School in Grapevine-Colleyville ISD in 2020. He felt good until community members accused him of teaching "Critical Race Theory," objected to private photos of him and his wife, and took issue with a letter he wrote about the death of George Floyd.